Collapse of National Identity in Syria

TEHRAN (Defapress) -  Syria, a country embroiled in civil war for over a decade, has been a scene of multiple conflicts and contradictory behaviors by various groups due to its ethnic and religious diversity, as well as political and social complexities. After the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in December 2024 and the rise of an interim government led by Abu Muhammad al-Jolani, sectarian and ethnic tensions in the country have intensified.

Since the beginning of Syria’s civil war in 2011, Israel has repeatedly attacked Syrian territory. These attacks primarily targeted positions of forces such as Lebanon’s Hezbollah, as well as the military infrastructure of the Assad regime. After Assad’s fall, these attacks continued, particularly in southern regions like Suwayda and Quneitra, and even escalated. However, the reaction of the Syrian people and tribes to these attacks has often been marked by indifference. Many Syrians, especially after years of war and devastation, feel exhausted and indifferent toward foreign interventions, including attacks by Israel. This indifference stems partly from people’s daily survival priorities, such as securing food and safety, and partly from disillusionment with domestic and foreign political and military institutions.

This indifference is also reflected in the statements of some Syrians. For example, Layla Jabri, a Syrian citizen, says: "I do not side or sympathize with any foreign government in my country. As a Syrian, my view of foreign regimes is negative; they have brought destruction to my country." This perspective reflects the people’s exhaustion from ongoing conflicts and their unwillingness to engage in regional tensions. However, this indifference does not mean acceptance of Israel’s actions; rather, it is a consequence of the collapse of Syria’s social and political structures, which has pushed people into passivity.

After the fall of Bashar al-Assad, the Alawite community, which constitutes about 15% of Syria’s population, became the target of retaliatory attacks due to their historical ties with the Assad regime. In the days following Assad’s downfall, at least 1,200 Alawite civilians were killed in "massacres" in western coastal areas of Syria, particularly in Latakia and Tartus. Additionally, the Syrian Human Rights Observatory reported that 231 security personnel and 250 pro-Assad militants were also killed in these clashes.

The Alawites, who have a long historical presence in Syria, have always been criticized by other Syrian groups for their association with the Assad regime. Nevertheless, the Alawites repeatedly called on the Syrian people and tribes to rise against Jolani’s regime. Ghayath Dalla, a former brigadier general in Assad’s army, also formed the "Free Syrian Liberation Military Council" to resist the interim government. However, these appeals were met with silence and indifference from the majority of the Syrian people and tribes. Many Syrians, particularly Arab tribes, did not support the Alawites due to the negative legacy of the Assad regime and fear of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham’s extremist forces. The result of this indifference was the mass killing of Alawites, which, according to the Syrian Human Rights Observatory, marked one of the bloodiest chapters of Syria’s civil war.

In contrast, the Druze uprising in Suwayda province against Jolani’s regime elicited a completely different reaction from Syrian tribes. The Druze, who make up about 3% (roughly 700,000 people) of Syria’s population, launched an armed resistance in July 2025 due to their history of relative neutrality in the civil war and concerns over Jolani’s extremist policies. This uprising began after the release of a controversial audio file allegedly containing insults to the Prophet Muhammad by a Druze religious leader. This incident became a pretext for sectarian clashes that quickly turned Suwayda into a battleground. According to the Syrian Human Rights Observatory, the Suwayda clashes resulted in over 940 deaths by July 2025.

However, when Israel attacked government forces’ positions in Suwayda and Damascus in support of the Druze, the reaction of the tribes and Jolani’s forces changed entirely. Israel, which had expanded its control over the Golan Heights since Assad’s fall, declared that it had intervened to "prevent the massacre of the Druze." Benjamin Netanyahu, the Prime Minister of Israel, described these attacks as a "clear warning to the Syrian regime." In response, Syrian tribes and Jolani’s forces launched a unified assault against the Druze as "collaborators with Israel." These attacks led to the mass killings of Druze civilians. As Ryan Maruf, a local journalist, reported, in one house in Suwayda alone, 12 members of a family were killed.

The fact that Syrians retreat instead of confronting Israel and fail to defend their national identity against these attacks reveals a profound weakness in their social structure. Rather than uniting to defend national sovereignty against aggression, Arab tribes and Jolani’s forces directed their energy toward suppressing the Druze, while Israel exploited the situation to expand its influence in southern Syria. This behavior not only intensified internal conflicts but also allowed Israel to strengthen its presence in strategic areas like the Golan Heights under the pretext of "protecting minorities."

The contradictory behavior of Syrian tribes toward the Alawite and Druze uprisings and Israel’s attacks reflects a troubling pattern of sectarian violence and disregard for foreign interference. While the Alawites faced indifference and even hostility due to their ties to the Assad regime, the Druze were targeted in coordinated attacks by tribes for resisting Jolani. This conduct not only highlights deep sectarian divides in Syrian society but also underscores the absence of a unified national identity capable of resisting external threats, such as repeated attacks by Israel.

Indifference toward Israel’s attacks, which, according to various sources, have occurred hundreds of times since 2011, reflects a form of "apathy" toward violations of national sovereignty. While the Syrian people and tribes react with intensity and violence to internal conflicts, foreign attacks, particularly by Israel, are often met with silence or limited responses. This may be the result of years of civil war that have psychologically and socially weakened society, confining people’s priorities to internal and sectarian issues.

This behavior has not only led to civilian massacres, particularly among the Druze, but has also given "Israel" the opportunity to expand its influence in southern Syria under the guise of "protecting minorities." This influence, especially in the Golan Heights, occupied by Israel since 1967, poses an existential threat to Syria’s sovereignty.

The indifference of the Syrian people and tribes toward Israel’s attacks, their silence in the face of the Alawite uprising, and their coordinated response against the Druze reveal a fragmented society that, in the absence of a strong national identity, has turned to sectarian violence and infighting. The massacre of 1,200 Alawite civilians and over 940 deaths in the Suwayda clashes are only part of the human tragedy resulting from this passivity and sectarian prejudice.